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The G7 Cornwall Summit’s Strong Success
John Kirton, G7 Research Group
July 18, 2021
I am grateful for the research contributions of Brittaney Warren, Julia Kulik, Duja Muhanna, Sonja Dobson, Maria Marchyshyn, Gabrielle Regimbal and other members of the G7 Research Group.
The G7 Cornwall Summit on June 11–13, 2021, produced a strong success, with high performance on many components of all the critical subjects it had to, and did, confront (Kirton and Koch 2021). Here Covid-19 and climate change stood out above all else, followed by commerce, with China crosscutting all.
On controlling Covid-19 and its successor pandemics, the Cornwall Summit created a strong start to the much greater global effort still needed soon to control the current disease and the similar ones sure to come.
A few days before the summit, host and chair UK prime minister Boris Johnson publicly proclaimed that he wanted his summit to agree to vaccinate everyone everywhere on the planet by the end of next year. To do this, Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director General of the World Health Organization (WHO), said 11 billion doses needed to be delivered into people’s arms, including those of the poorest people in the poorest countries in the world.
G7 leaders agreed, in their draft communiqué, to start doing so, by donating at least one billion doses within the next year. The day before the summit’s formal start, G7 members started pledging their share to hit this goal. On arrival at the site, US president Joe Biden announced that the US would donate 500 million vaccine doses within a year to the poor countries that most needed them, and would send the first 80 million by within three weeks. Johnson then promised the United Kingdom would produce another 100 million. Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau added 100 million, twice as many as the one-tenth of the US total that Canada was traditionally expected to give. This 700 million total put the full G7 on track to meet or exceed the one billion target, when Japan, German, France, Italy and the European Union added their recent and new pledges to the “ABC” triumvirate ones.
This G7 summit down payment could be built on when the leaders of democratic Australia and Korea joined their G7 colleagues at Cornwall on the summit’s final day. More could arrive in the coming months, culminating at the G20 summit in October, when Russia and China could add massive amounts of the good vaccines they have invented, produced and started to share on their own. The G7 did not, as no one realistically expected or demanded, solve all the Covid-19 delivery challenge, all at once, all by themselves in one weekend. But they fully met the urgent task of credibly committing to donate enough does to meet the targets and timetables Dr. Tedros set, should their other major partners in the bigger, broader G20 now start to do their full fair share.
To prevent the damage caused by future Covid-19–like pandemics, on the summit’s second day, G7 leaders agreed on a “Carbis Bay Declaration,” promising to prevent viruses from again passing from animals to humans to cause death and destruction as much as or more than Covid-19 would. The British government announced that G7 leaders would take three key steps. They would first develop the capacity to create and licence vaccines, treatments and diagnostics within 100 days to prevent human infections from any new animal-to-human disease; second, create a Global Pandemic Radar to reinforce global surveillance networks and a genome sequencing capability to detect and identify such viruses at the earliest possible stage; and third, support the reform and strengthening of the WHO.
The credibility of this ambitious plan was reinforced in several ways. It fulfilled the British presidency’s priorities announced in the five-point plan Johnson presented to the United Nations in September 2020. Implementation got off to a fast start with the UK’s creation of a new centre in England, financed by £10 million from the British government and another £14.5 million from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. A reformed and reinforced WHO was an integral part of the plan. The announcement recognized that its members had just produced in record time – in the UK, US and Germany – the first fully safe, effective, transparently tested and thus trusted vaccines against Covid-19. They had also done so with massive financial and other support from the start from the governments of the UK and US, using the superb scientific expertise from the world’s best universities located there. And G7 members contained two-thirds of the pharmaceutical market in the world.
On the most immediate, visible, deadly challenge, requiring an immediate response, G7 leaders thus produced a very strong performance. It was far stronger in fostering human health than any G7 summit before, and than the G20’s summit dedicated to health held in Rome a few weeks before. The Cornwall Summit’s Covid-19 contributions were enough to create a pathway to meet the global need in the coming year or two, should members’ full compliance with their relevant Cornwall commitments come.
The second strong success came on climate change and its core components of biodiversity and nature, where G7 leaders made more comprehensive, ambitious, specific and credible commitments than any G7 summit before.
On the evening of June 12, the British presidency provided an overview of what they would produce the next day on their most important challenge – stopping the climate and biodiversity crises. It contained a long, comprehensive list, specifying more extensive and ambitious action than G7 leaders have promised at, and produced after, any G7 summit in the past. It promised:
These advances were highly promising in many ways. They started with assisting the economic foundation in developing countries, where most of the sources of carbon pollution would soon arise and where most of the natural carbon sinks already lived. They put nature next, in a priority place for the first time, showing that G7 leaders would finally fulfil the promise their predecessors had made at the G7 Houston Summit in 1990 to solve the climate crisis using “all sources and sinks.” They directly addressed the critical source of coal, and promised to end it at home as soon as possible and its financing abroad in six and a half months, by the end of 2021. Canada, the G7 pioneer in phasing out thermal coal at home, had announced on June 11 that no new or expanded coal mines would likely be approved within Canada ever again.
These key promises were converted into specific commitments in the overall communiqué released at the summit’s end. The most important and innovative commitments were as follows:
All these specific commitments rendered credible the initial overall promise: “We commit to accelerating efforts to cut greenhouse gas emissions and keep the 1.5°C global warming threshold within reach, strengthening adaptation and resilience to protect people from the impacts of climate change, halting and reversing biodiversity loss, mobilising finance and leveraging innovation to reach these goals.” That promise flowed from the explicit recognition in the first sentence of the section on “Climate and Environment” that “The unprecedented and interdependent crises of climate change and biodiversity loss pose an existential threat to people, prosperity, security, and nature.”
However much weaker were the Cornwall commitments on providing climate finance to developing countries and phasing out fossil fuel subsidies. Here Cornwall simply repeated the many previous commitments past G7 summits made, whose delivery was long overdue.
Together, Cornwall thus produced a strong performance on climate change, due to its historic advances on nature and coal.
To restore commerce in a freer, fairer way fit for the digital economy of today, Cornwall produced a strong performance too. This was led by advances on international taxation, macroeconomic policy and infrastructure in developing countries.
Cornwall’s centrepiece was agreement on a revolutionary international tax regime that would have the richest companies finally paid their fair share of taxes, and do so to the governments of the countries that these firms made their massive money and profits in.
On macroeconomic policy, to create the confidence that markets and consumers needed to sustain and reinforce the jobs-rich economic recovery that had recently started within the G7, Cornwall’s leaders promised to maintain their massive fiscal and monetary policy stimulus for as long as it took for it to arrive in full. To calm those appropriately concerned about the need to contain the inflationary pressures already starting to surge in some G7 members, they added that they would keep a close watch and act before serious, sustained damage was done. They also promised to shape a recovery that was fairer for women and other people long left behind, and that was good for climate change and the natural environment too.
In infrastructure in developing countries, to ensure that the desired inclusive equality and economic recovery embraced poor people in poor countries, G7 leaders launched a US-initiated infrastructure project, which the Americans labelled a Build Back Better World. It came just at the time that the G7 was starting to win the war against Covid-19 that had driven so many emerging and developing countries back toward poverty again. It was critical for building the clean, green digital economy all the world needed now. In the G7’s competition with China, it would encourage the latter’s Belt and Road Initiative, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and more broadly the BRICS New Development Bank to be bigger and better than they had been thus far, in ways favourable to the developing country recipients and the entire global community in many ways. It would launch the global competition for a cleaner, greener, fairer, more affordable and sustainable infrastructure with many more, richer participants in this race to the top.
If all went well in its aftermath, the G7’s Cornwall Summit could go down in history as the vaccination summit that helped save nature and very many lives.
The success of any G7 summit can and should be assessed systematically by a disciplined examination of its production across the six dimensions of performance that any plurilateral summit institution is designed to provide (see Appendix A). The main dimensions, able to be confidently charted immediately following the summit, are its public conclusions encoded in the leaders’ communiqué and other outcome documents, its principled and normative direction setting through affirmations of its distinctive foundational mission, its decision making through precise, future-oriented, politically binding commitments, and its institutional development of global governance through references to bodies inside and outside the G7.
By these standards, the Cornwall Summit on June 11–13, 2021, was a strong success. It was among the most successful, among the 47 annual summits held since 1975. It was the highest performing summit in its affirmations of democratic and human rights values and in the number of commitments it made. It was a democracy-affirming decisional summit above all.
In its attendance, all G7 leaders came in person, to the first regular G7 summit in almost two years. Among the four invited guest leaders, three attended personally, while only India’s Narendra Modi participated virtually, due to the soaring Covid-19 crisis he faced at home.
In its impact on the host personal and political party popularity, Cornwall’s performance was more likely slightly negative than positive (see Appendix B)
The six leaders-issued documents, all released at the same time at the summit’s end: a long communiqué, a short summary of it, the ample Carbis Bay Health Declaration, the Nature Compact of a similar length, and the shorter Open Societies Statement and Research Compact.
The Cornwall Summit’s six documents was the 11th highest number and slightly above the average of 5.6 for the 46 summits before.
The six outcome documents contained 20,677 words, the seventh highest ever for G7 summits ever and double the annual average of 10,140 words. These total of 20,677 words appeared as follows:
Health came first as a subject, for the first time in G7 summit history, with 4,909 words (see Appendix C). Gender came a very close second. Across all six documents, gender did very well, and in a broadly mainstreamed way. Its 4,789 words took 23% of the total and appeared in 30 paragraphs across all documents.
Climate change came third with 3,843 words. Biodiversity had 2,808 and trade had 2,895.
Macroeconomic policy had 1,217 words, over twice as many as its all-time average of 563 words.
China had 566 words, far more than ever. They included Hong Kong, which had previously appeared as a subject (as distinct from the location of a ministerial meeting of the World Trade Organization [WTO]) only in 1989, 1995 and 1997.
The Covid-19 crowd-out that completely destroyed attention to climate change in 2020, and that dominated it at the G7’s virtual summit on February 19, 2021, was now gone. Donald Trump, whose presence had led to a large climate crowd-out in 2019, was gone too.
The leaders’ outcome documents affirmed the principles of democracy 145 times and human rights 55 times for 200 affirmations, the highest ever in the full 47 years and far more than the summit average of 29 (see Appendix D). The communiqué had 115, with 82 on democracy and 33 on human rights. Every document affirmed at least one of these values at least once. Cornwall was a democracy summit above all.
Cornwall’s leaders produced 429 commitments, making 2021 the highest performing decisional summit ever. That total of 429 commitments was close to quadruple the annual average of 120 commitments since 1975.
The highest performing decisional summits had all come since 2006. St. Petersburg in 2006 produced 317 commitments. Heiligendamm in 2007 had 329. More recently, Elmau in 2015 had a peak of 376 commitments, Ise-Shima in 2016 had 342, and Charlevoix in 2018 had 315.
At Cornwall 302 commitments were in the leaders’ comprehensive communiqué (see Appendix E). There were 48 in the Nature Compact, 37 in the Carbis Bay Health Declaration, 21 in the Open Societies Statement and 21 in the Research Compact.
By subject, health came first, with 89 commitments for 21% of the total. These 86 made Cornwall the highest performing decision-making summit in health, ahead of the 2017 Ise-Shima Summit with 85 and 2015 Elmau Summit with 61.
The natural environment, beyond climate change, came second, with 55 commitments for 13% of the total.
Climate change came a close third with 54 commitments for 13% of the total. This was the second highest number of climate commitments of any G7 summit. It was second only the previous peak of 54 at Hokkaido-Toyako in 2008 and tied with Heiligendamm in 2007.
If added to the closely connected commitments on the natural environment, nature would easily take first place with 99 commitments for 23% of the total. Thus nature came first – a first for the G7.
International co-operation came fourth with 37 or 9% of the commitments. Then came the digital economy in fifth with 33 or 8% of the commitments. Trade came sixth with 21 or 5% of the commitments
Democracy also came sixth with 21 or 5% of the commitments. Cornwall’s historically high affirmations of democracy in its direction setting thus extended into its decision making. The same was true for human rights, whose 14 commitments for 4% of the total gave it 12th place. The G7’s two distinctive foundational principles were both converted into decisions in a robust way.
Regional security came eights with 19 for 4% of the commitments. Gender came ninth, with 17 or 4% of the total.
Macroeconomic policy came 10th with 16 or 4% of the commitments. Development came 11th, with 15 or 3% of the commitments.
Energy also came 11th, with 14 or 3% of the commitments. Most had a target of meeting climate goals. If those 14 energy commitments were added to the 54 climate ones, the climate-energy combination of 68 would put it in second place. With the environment added too, their 123 or 29% of commitments would give it a strong first place.
On the delivery of these decisions, through members’ compliance with their leaders’ Cornwall commitments, an initial indication of performance comes from a tracking, as of July 18, of members’ implementing actions in the five weeks following the Cornwall summit on climate change.
On the 27 selected climate change commitments, covering 24 key subjects, there were 100 easily identifiable compliant actions by all seven G7 country members (see Appendix F).
In first place was agriculture, food and land use (AFLU) (commitment 203) with 16 actions by three countries. In second place was natural resource management (commitments 222, 223 and 225) with 15 actions by 3 countries. In a second-place tie were adaptation (commitment 163) and adaptation communications (commitment 175) whose 12 actions from four countries and three actions from one respectively gave it a total of 15 actions from four countries.
These very preliminary results suggests that the fastest compliant action came on nature-based solutions, comprised of AFLU and natural resource management. Together their 31 actions represented 31% of the 100 from all 27 commitments and 24 subjects.
The strong second-place showing for adaptation could have been spurred by the spike in extreme weather events, notably unprecedented heat, wildfires and flood in North America and Europe in the five weeks following the Cornwall Summit.
Near the bottom of the ranking came climate finance for developing countries (Commitment 182) where only two actions came from two countries.
G7 leaders developed global governance institutionally through 228 references, composed of 81 references to their bodies inside the G7 and 147 references to those outside, for an outside emphasis of 64%. This made Cornwall one of the highest performing summits on this dimension.
References to institutions outside the G7 were led by the WHO with 24, followed by the United Nations with 23, the G20 with 20 and the World Trade Organization with 14. Here Cornwall was primarily a health summit, but one performing in unusually close cooperation with the broader UN and G20 and their summits later in the year.
These findings suggest that G7 leaders at Cornwall produced a summit of strong success. It was the most successful G7 summit ever. But it was not a very strong, nor a fully successful one.
Yet these preliminary conclusions from this analysis come with two major caveats.
First, yet to be assessed is what could be considered a more important dimension of performance – delivery of the G7 members on their leaders’ decisions through compliance with the Cornwall commitments during the year ahead. This assessment can be done in three phases. The first one, which can be completed now, is to identify whether the Cornwall commitments contain the specific catalysts that have coincided, and probably helped cause, higher compliance with such commitments in the past. The second phase is to track G7 members’ compliance-consistent behaviour in the coming days and weeks, to see, for example, how many of the donated Covid-19 vaccine doses promised by the Cornwall leaders are actually delivered into poor people’s countries and arms. The third is to complete an interim compliance assessment of Cornwall’s priority commitments just before G20’s Rome Summit on October 30–31, the UN’s Glasgow Climate Summit on November 1–12 and the World Health Assembly’s special meeting taking place shortly after that.
Second, it is important to estimate how the commitments and compliance are converted into lives saved and deaths delayed, especially in the fields of health and climate change.
Third, the analysis here is based primarily on whether the G7 Cornwall Summit performed better than G7 summits have in the past, since their start in 1975. A distinct, and ultimately more important, referent is how much Cornwall met the unprecedentedly strong and urgent demand for G7 performance today, above all on climate change and health. By this second standard, Cornwall’s strong performance relative to the past is less strong in meeting the demand today.
Kirton, John (2021), Cornwall’s Strong Success on Key Summit Performance Dimensions, G7 Research Group, June 14.
Kirton, John and Madeline Koch, eds. (2021), G7 UK: The 2021 Cornwall Summit(GT Media: London).
| Year | Grade | Domestic political management | Deliberation | Direction setting | Decision making | Delivery | Development of global governance | Participation | |||||||
| # communiqué compliments | Spread | # days | # statements | # words | # references to core values | # commitments | Compliance | # assessed | # ministerials created | # official-level groups created | # members | # countries | # international organizations | ||
| 1975 | A− | 2 | 29% | 3 | 1 | 1,129 | 5 | 14 | +0.08 | 2 | 0 | 1 | 6 | 0 | 0 |
| 1976 | D | 0 | 0% | 2 | 1 | 1,624 | 0 | 7 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 0 | 0 | ||
| 1977 | B− | 1 | 13% | 2 | 6 | 2,669 | 0 | 29 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 0 | ||
| 1978 | A | 1 | 13% | 2 | 2 | 2,999 | 0 | 35 | +0.14 | 3 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1979 | B+ | 0 | 0% | 2 | 2 | 2,102 | 0 | 34 | 1 | 2 | 8 | 0 | 0 | ||
| 1980 | C+ | 0 | 0% | 2 | 5 | 3,996 | 3 | 55 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 0 | ||
| 1981 | C | 1 | 13% | 2 | 3 | 3,165 | 0 | 40 | 0 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1982 | C | 0 | 0% | 3 | 2 | 1,796 | 0 | 23 | −0.71 | 1 | 0 | 3 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 1983 | B | 0 | 0% | 3 | 2 | 2,156 | 7 | 38 | −0.56 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1984 | C− | 1 | 13% | 3 | 5 | 3,261 | 0 | 31 | −0.47 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1985 | E | 4 | 50% | 3 | 2 | 3,127 | 1 | 24 | +0.27 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1986 | B+ | 3 | 25% | 3 | 4 | 3,582 | 1 | 39 | −0.43 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 1987 | D | 2 | 13% | 3 | 7 | 5,064 | 0 | 53 | +0.29 | 1 | 0 | 2 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 1988 | C− | 3 | 25% | 3 | 3 | 4,872 | 0 | 27 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 0 | 0 | ||
| 1989 | B+ | 3 | 38% | 3 | 11 | 7,125 | 1 | 61 | −0.07 | 4 | 0 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1990 | D | 3 | 38% | 3 | 3 | 7,601 | 10 | 78 | −0.11 | 4 | 0 | 3 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1991 | B− | 1 | 13% | 3 | 3 | 8,099 | 8 | 53 | +0.38 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 9 | 1 | 0 |
| 1992 | D | 1 | 13% | 3 | 4 | 7,528 | 5 | 41 | +0.71 | 3 | 1 | 1 | 8 | 0 | 0 |
| 1993 | C+ | 0 | 0% | 3 | 2 | 3,398 | 2 | 29 | +0.57 | 2 | 0 | 2 | 8 | 1 | 0 |
| 1994 | C | 1 | 13% | 3 | 2 | 4,123 | 5 | 53 | +0.71 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 8 | 1 | 0 |
| 1995 | B+ | 3 | 25% | 3 | 3 | 7,250 | 0 | 78 | +0.29 | 1 | 2 | 2 | 8 | 1 | 0 |
| 1996 | B | 1 | 13% | 3 | 5 | 15,289 | 6 | 128 | +0.42 | 23 | 0 | 3 | 8 | 1 | 4 |
| 1997 | C− | 16 | 88% | 3 | 4 | 12,994 | 6 | 145 | +0.26 | 11 | 1 | 3 | 9 | 1 | 0 |
| 1998 | B+ | 0 | 0% | 3 | 4 | 6,092 | 5 | 73 | +0.42 | 13 | 0 | 0 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 1999 | B+ | 4 | 22% | 3 | 4 | 10,019 | 4 | 46 | +0.45 | 10 | 1 | 5 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 2000 | B | 1 | 11% | 3 | 5 | 13,596 | 6 | 105 | +0.74 | 29 | 0 | 4 | 9 | 4 | 3 |
| 2001 | B | 1 | 11% | 3 | 7 | 6,214 | 3 | 58 | +0.47 | 20 | 1 | 2 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 2002 | B+ | 0 | 0% | 2 | 18 | 11,959 | 10 | 187 | +0.36 | 24 | 1 | 8 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| 2003 | C | 0 | 0% | 3 | 14 | 16,889 | 17 | 206 | +0.61 | 20 | 0 | 5 | 10 | 12 | 5 |
| 2004 | C+ | 0 | 0% | 3 | 16 | 38,517 | 11 | 245 | +0.53 | 33 | 0 | 15 | 10 | 12 | 0 |
| 2005 | A− | 8 | 67% | 3 | 16 | 22,286 | 29 | 212 | +0.65 | 28 | 0 | 5 | 9 | 11 | 6 |
| 2006 | B+ | 6 | 44% | 3 | 15 | 30,695 | 256 | 317 | +0.40 | 28 | 0 | 4 | 10 | 5 | 9 |
| 2007 | B+ | 12 | 100% | 3 | 8 | 25,857 | 86 | 329 | +0.54 | 31 | 0 | 4 | 9 | 9 | 9 |
| 2008 | B+ | 8 | 78% | 3 | 6 | 16,842 | 33 | 296 | +0.46 | 29 | 1 | 4 | 9 | 15 | 6 |
| 2009 | B | 13 | 67% | 3 | 10 | 31,167 | 62 | 254 | +0.54 | 26 | 2 | 9 | 10 | 28 | 10 |
| 2010 | C | 10 | 89% | 2 | 2 | 7,161 | 32 | 44 | +0.53 | 20 | 0 | 1 | 10 | 9 | 0 |
| 2011 | B+ | 14 | 67% | 2 | 5 | 19,071 | 172 | 196 | +0.55 | 18 | 1 | 0 | 10 | 7 | 4 |
| 2012 | B+ | 7 | 67% | 2 | 2 | 3,640 | 42 | 81 | +0.55 | 22 | 0 | 1 | 10 | 4 | 1 |
| 2013 | B+ | 13 | 60% | 2 | 4 | 13,494 | 71 | 214 | +0.58 | 25 | 0 | 0 | 10 | 6 | 1 |
| 2014 | B | 6 | 44% | 2 | 1 | 5,106 | 42 | 141 | +0.68 | 21 | 1 | 0 | 9 | 0 | 0 |
| 2015 | B+ | 2 | 25% | 2 | 2 | 12,674 | 20 | 376 | +0.63 | 31 | 1 | 4 | 9 | 6 | 6 |
| 2016 | B− | 22 | 63% | 2 | 7 | 23,052 | 95 | 342 | +0.45 | 23 | 1 | 1 | 9 | 7 | 5 |
| 2017 | B | 2 | 25% | 2 | 4 | 8,614 | 158 | 180 | +0.57 | 21 | 1 | 2 | 9 | 5 | 6 |
| 2018 | B+ | 0 | 0% | 2 | 8 | 11,224 | 56 | 315 | +0.64 | 30 | 1 | 9 | 12 | 4 | |
| 2019 | B− | 6 | 57% | 3 | 10 | 7,202 | 71 | +0.52 | 22 | 1 | 0 | 9 | 8 | 8 | |
| 2020 | n/a | 0 | 0 | 1 | 795 | 0 | 25 | n/a | n/a | 0 | 0 | 9 | 8 | 4 | |
| 2021[a] | 6 | 20,677 | 200 | 429 | 9 | 4 | |||||||||
| Total | – | 187 | – | 119 | 250 | 456,320 | 1,270 | 5403 | – | 545 | 21 | 101 | 393 | 166 | 87 |
| Average | 4.2 | 0.3 | 2.6 | 5.6 | 10,140.4 | 28.9 | 120.1 | 0.35 | 14.7 | 0.5 | 2.4 | 8.7 | 3.7 | 1.9 | |
| Cycle 1 (1975–1981) |
B− | 0.7 | 0.1 | 2.1 | 2.9 | 2,526.3 | 1.1 | 30.6 | 0.07 | 2.5 | 0.3 | 0.7 | 7.6 | 0.0 | 0.0 |
| Cycle 2 (1982–1988) |
C− | 1.9 | 0.2 | 3.0 | 3.6 | 3,408.3 | 1.3 | 33.6 | −0.27 | 1.5 | 0.3 | 1.1 | 8.4 | 0.0 | 0.0 |
| Cycle 3 (1989–1995) |
C+ | 1.7 | 0.2 | 3.0 | 4.0 | 6,446.3 | 4.4 | 56.1 | 0.43 | 2.6 | 0.6 | 1.3 | 8.1 | 0.6 | 0.0 |
| Cycle 4 (1996–2002) |
B | 3.3 | 0.2 | 2.9 | 6.7 | 10,880.4 | 5.7 | 106.0 | 0.45 | 18.6 | 0.6 | 3.6 | 9.0 | 0.9 | 1.0 |
| Cycle 5 (2003–2010) |
B− | 7.1 | 0.6 | 2.9 | 10.9 | 23,676.8 | 65.8 | 237.9 | 0.53 | 26.9 | 0.4 | 5.9 | 9.6 | 12.6 | 5.6 |
| Cycle 6 (2011–2019) |
8.6 | 0.5 | 2.1 | 4.8 | 11,564.1 | 82.0 | 212.9 | 0.58 | 24.0 | 0.8 | 1.2 | 9.3 | 6.1 | 3.9 | |
July 18, 2021, Sonja Dobson
Public satisfaction with Johnson and his government falls to 9-month low, July 14, 2021
National Parliament Voting Intention (Conservatives)
May 5-June 23, 2021 = 43%
June 24-July 18, 2021 = 42%
https://www.politico.eu/europe-poll-of-polls/united-kingdom/
Do you think that Boris Johnson is doing well or badly as Prime Minister?
| Date | Well | Badly | Don’t Know |
| June 7, 2021 | 44% | 48% | 8% |
| July 5, 2021 | 39% | 54% | 7% |
https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/trackers/boris-johnson-approval-rating
On a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 means you would never consider voting for them, and 10 means you would definitely consider voting for them, how likely are you to consider voting for the following parties at the next election? (average)
June 7, 2021 = 4.43
June 14, 2021 = 4.29
June 21, 2021 = 4.17
June 28, 2021 = 4.07
July 5, 2021 = 4.02
July 12, 2021 = 4.18
| Subject | Number of words |
| Health | 4,909 |
| Gender | 4,789 |
| Climate change | 3,843 |
| Trade | 2,895 |
| Biodiversity | 2,808 |
| Macroeconomics | 1,217 |
| China | 566 |
| Non-proliferation | 314 |
Compiled by Duja Muhanna, Maria Marchyshyn and Julia Kulik.
| 2021 | Democracy | Human Rights |
| Communiqué | 82 | 33 |
| Summary | 6 | 2 |
| Carbis Bay Health Declaration | 7 | Not available |
| Nature Compact | 1 | 1 |
| Open Societies Statement | 30 | 19 |
| Research Compact | 19 | Not available |
| Total | 145 | 55 |
| Subject | Total | Communiqué | Nature Compact | Health Declaration | Open Societies | Research Compact |
| Health | 89 | 52 | 1 | 36 | ||
| Environment | 55 | 17 | 37 | 1 | ||
| Climate change | 54 | 49 | 5 | |||
| International cooperation | 37 | 14 | 2 | 2 | 19 | |
| Digital economy | 33 | 29 | 2 | 2 | ||
| Trade | 21 | 19 | 2 | |||
| Democracy | 21 | 13 | 8 | |||
| Regional security | 19 | 19 | ||||
| Gender | 17 | 16 | 1 | |||
| Macroeconomics | 16 | 16 | ||||
| Development | 15 | 13 | 2 | |||
| Energy[a] | 14 | 14 | ||||
| Human rights | 14 | 13 | 1 | |||
| Infrastructure | 9 | 9 | ||||
| Crime and corruption | 7 | 2 | 3 | 2 | ||
| International taxation | 3 | 3 | ||||
| Non-proliferation | 2 | 2 | ||||
| Terrorism | 2 | 2 | ||||
| Labour and employment | 1 | 1 | ||||
| Total | 429 | 302 | 48 | 37 | 21 | 21 |
| Subject | Commitment | Number of Actions | Number of Members |
| Green jobs | 161 | 1 | 1 |
| 1.5°C threshold | 162 | 1 | 1 |
| Adaptation | 163 | 12 | 4 |
| Innovation | 166 | 3 | 3 |
| Supporting vulnerable communities | 167 | 1 | 1 |
| Net Zero 2050 | 171 | 3 | 1 |
| 172 | 1 | 1 | |
| Adaptation communications | 175 | 3 | 1 |
| Technology transition | 176 | 1 | 1 |
| Energy emissions | 178 | 7 | 1 |
| International financing | 182 | 2 | 2 |
| Unabated coal capacity | 185 | 3 | 2 |
| Zero emission vehicle technology | 190 | 7 | 2 |
| Zero emission vehicle transition | 192 | 3 | 2 |
| Decarbonizing sector | 193 | 4 | 1 |
| Aviation and shipping | 193 | 1 | 1 |
| Heat and cooling | 202 | 5 | 2 |
| Agriculture, forestry and land use | 203 | 16 | 3 |
| Private capital | 208 | 2 | 2 |
| 30% protected land | 219 | 3 | 1 |
| Natural resource management | 222 | 2 | 2 |
| 224 | 10 | 3 | |
| 225 | 3 | 2 | |
| Nature restoration | 226 | 2 | 1 |
| Collaboration with Indigenous peoples | 307 | 2 | 1 |
| Environmental crime enforcement | 316 | 1 | 1 |
| Species preservation | 338 | 1 | 1 |
| Total | 26 | 100 |
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